As drones take over crop protection, is there still a place for smallholders?

As global warming intensifies, the Fall Armyworm has emerged as a new risk threatening global agricultural production. In the summer of 2019, during our fieldwork in Jixian (a pseudonym) on the North China Plain, the arrival of the Fall Armyworm put the entire county on a “wartime footing”.

The Fall Armyworm, often referred to as “FAW”, is a major transboundary migratory pest flagged by the UN Food and Agriculture Organization. Characterised by its long-distance flight capabilities, strong reproductive capacity, and the significant losses it causes, it primarily attacks crops such as maize and sorghum.

● The Fall Armyworm first entered China via Yunnan Province in January 2019, subsequently spreading north. Pictured here is a Fall Armyworm inside a maize stalk. Image source: Wikimedia Commons

At the time, the summer maize on the North China Plain was in the tasseling and silking stage, a critical period that determines overall yield. A pest outbreak at this stage can severely impact production, making timely prevention and control vital. Consequently, upon discovering traces of the FAW, Jixian immediately established the “Fall Armyworm Monitoring, Early Warning and Prevention and Control Leading Group” and deployed plant protection drones for pest control.

However, farmers in Jixian became deeply anxious as they struggled to secure timely drone pest control services (known as “aerial prevention”). With a limited number of plant protection drones available, it was impossible to meet the needs of all farmers in a short window. Unable to influence the order of service, the farmers could only wait in frustration, like ants on a hotplate.

● A plant protection drone used for spraying pesticides in Jixian.
Why did the farmers of Jixian stop spraying their own crops and instead become dependent on drone-based aerial prevention? To understand this, we must look at the evolution of how agricultural technology is promoted in the region.

I. From Mastery to Detachment: The Relationship Between Farmers and Technology

According to our field research, the methods for promoting and diffusing agricultural technology in Jixian have undergone several changes since 1949, which can be broadly divided into three historical phases. During the collectivisation period, the promotion and diffusion of agricultural technology were managed centrally by the state, with the government acting as the sole promoter. After the founding of the People’s Republic of China in 1949, one of the most pressing livelihood issues was food security. Facing immense pressure to increase grain production and a complex international climate, China established an agricultural development strategy based on “using technology to promote production”.

During this period, agricultural technicians travelled to villages to provide guidance and teach advanced farming techniques. Jixian’s farmers not only benefited from the public agricultural services provided by the state and government but also mastered more scientific methods for grain cultivation and plant protection.

Villagers told us: “Back then, seeds, fertilisers, and pesticides were all allocated by the government. The village agriculture captain and the technician taught us how to use them, how much to apply, and what the benefits were; they explained everything clearly.”

In this era, high-quality and efficient agricultural inputs promoted by the government—such as phosphate and nitrogen-phosphorus mixed fertilisers—along with techniques like crop transplanting and wheat leaf rust control, were applied directly to production through the farmers’ own practice. A wave of heavy machinery, including tractors from Poland and Czechoslovakia, entered the daily lives of Jixian’s farmers. Under the hands-on guidance of technicians, farmers mastered these technologies, leading to a significant increase in grain yields.

● Propaganda poster “Harvest Year”. Image source: China Farmers’ Harvest Festival website

Following the Reform and Opening-up in 1978, agricultural extension entered a marketisation period, where agricultural input retailers began promoting advanced technologies in villages through paid services. As the market economy developed, many agricultural technicians “went into business”, opening retail shops in market towns. These grassroots retail markets took over the heavy lifting of agricultural technology promotion.

For local farmers, these retailers were often neighbours or acquaintances. Through years of interaction, they built relationships based on mutual trust. These retailers were either former technicians or practitioners with a strong grasp of agricultural knowledge, making them highly favoured by the farmers.

Farmers in Jixian would frequently visit these shops to buy seeds, pesticides, and fertilisers. Some would even pull up diseased crops from their fields and bring them to the retailer to be “diagnosed” on the spot, ensuring they received the “right medicine” for the problem.

● An agricultural supply shop in Jixian.
Finally, against the backdrop of agricultural transformation, “new agricultural business entities” have become the core driving force for bringing technology to the countryside. Our investigation found that the local government, responding to national directives, has vigorously promoted land transfer and supported the cultivation of these new entities as a key lever to accelerate the modernisation of agriculture in Jixian. Since 2000, alongside the introduction of pro-farmer government projects, agricultural technology has also been promoted via these project-based models. Currently, those still farming small, fragmented plots of grain in Jixian are mostly elderly farmers who lack the formal qualifications required to complete production tasks set by higher government departments. Therefore, the Jixian government sought out new agricultural business entities, allowing large-scale farms and agri-tech companies to take over these major agricultural projects.

These new entities have invested significant capital and possess superior agricultural technologies, achieving a mechanisation rate of 100%. At this point, farmers are no longer the recipients or practitioners of agricultural technology; instead, a simple phone call is all it takes to obtain the necessary technical services: “We just pay the money; we don’t care what pesticides they use or how much, as long as it works.”

It is this shift in the model of agricultural technology promotion that has given rise to the dilemma of technology application among Jixian’s farmers described at the beginning of this article.

II. Do Farmers Still Need to Master Technology to Farm?

In current rural social governance, the project-based approach is an important strategy and tool. In simple terms, the state typically formulates a project and defines the relevant execution standards, “contracts” the project to local governments, designates the grassroots level as the operational end, and finally has the relevant departments carry out an “acceptance inspection” of the implementation. The current promotion of plant protection technology in Jixian is unfolding under this project-based logic.

During our field investigation, we found that technology promotion projects in Jixian are increasingly being “bundled” and handed over to a single agricultural technology company—Blue Sky Dream Agricultural Technology Co., Ltd (a pseudonym, hereinafter “Blue Sky Dream”). Between 2014 and 2019, Blue Sky Dream successively undertook more than ten professional unified prevention and control projects for crop pests and diseases in Jixian, including the “One Spray, Three Protections” for winter wheat and “One Spray, Multiple Effects” for the mid-to-late stages of maize.

● Promotional slogans for drone spraying by Blue Sky Dream.

For various reasons, promoting technology directly to individual farmers has become increasingly unrealistic.

Firstly, smallholders operating fragmented plots have their own production habits and ideas, making it difficult to meet the requirements of new technical promotions.

Taking plant protection projects as an example, to achieve green prevention and control, the government mandated the “use of low-toxicity, high-efficiency pesticides” and a “6% reduction in pesticide use over three years”. However, farmers require pesticides that are affordable and effective; because low-toxicity pesticides are “slow to act and expensive”, farmers feel that “for ordinary people, it is better to buy high-toxicity ones, as the insects die much faster”.

In contrast, Blue Sky Dream claims that the pesticides used during drone operations meet government guidance standards, and that pesticide use naturally decreases as long as drones are used for spraying: “When using aircraft for herbicides, the amount of medicine must be reduced by more than 30%, otherwise the crops will suffer from pesticide damage.”

Secondly, new agricultural business entities have substantial capital and a sufficient number of spraying drones, allowing them to complete plant protection tasks efficiently.

According to Blue Sky Dream, as of 2021, the company owned over 300 drones. A single drone can cover 500–800 mu in one day (calculated at 6–8 hours), with annual service coverage exceeding 700,000 mu.

In fact, the efficiency of drone spraying is predicated on substantial project subsidies. Under the project-based framework, drone companies receive special government subsidies to purchase drones and other plant protection equipment, while farmers enjoy certain agricultural subsidies when purchasing technical services.

Taking the 2020 Jixian wheat “One Spray, Three Protections” project as an example, according to the fund allocation requirements, farmers participating in the project could obtain drone spraying services at a price of 8 yuan/mu, with the remaining 10 yuan subsidised by the government. Without this subsidy, farmers would have to bear a cost of at least 18 yuan/mu.

● Under the project-based logic, plant protection machinery subsidies in Jixian are deeply intertwined with new agricultural business entities.
Project subsidies have effectively increased farmers’ acceptance of drone spraying services, and plant protection in Jixian is increasingly controlled by agricultural technology companies. Consequently, fragmented smallholders often turn to Blue Sky Dream for services: “In the past, I relied on my own experience to decide when to fertilise or weed and just went out to the fields. Now, when I see planes flying in the sky (spraying pesticides), I just give them a call to spray my land as well”.

III. What has drone spraying brought to farmers?

Undoubtedly, against the backdrop of agricultural modernisation and rural revitalisation, the introduction of advanced and efficient agricultural technology to develop agriculture in Jixian is an inevitable trend. However, like two sides of a coin, these changes also bring potential social consequences. When tech companies hold the initiative over drone services, the technical needs of smallholders are increasingly ignored.

Smallholders with fragmented plots have relatively staggered spraying schedules—perhaps the Zhang family sprays today and the Wang family tomorrow—and their fields are often scattered in small patches. Although farmers are willing to pay operators to help spray pesticides, in reality, Blue Sky Dream is not particularly keen to do so.

● An operator controlling a drone for spraying.

During the investigation, operators expressed their frustration: “With a tiny plot of land, you have to turn before you’ve even started flying; the plane has to come down just as it goes up. It’s hard to precisely control the amount of medicine and water used”. Left with no choice, farmers have to coordinate with several other neighbours who also need spraying and agree to call the operator to come and do them all at once.

During periods of peak demand, Blue Sky Dream prioritises providing technical services to large-scale farmers. Smallholders are forced to queue and often only receive the service after the optimal agricultural window has passed, potentially leading to the same scenario described at the beginning of this article.

In 2019, while providing services to smallholders, an incident occurred where winter aphids spreading from nearby vegetable greenhouses affected wheat crops. This meant the pre-set dosage was insufficient, and the operator had to return for a second spray.

For thousands of years, agricultural development and production in Chinese society were built upon a model of smallholder family farming, where farmers mastered specific agricultural skills and practical experience, worked hard, and reaped the harvest. But with the advent of plant protection drones, the farmers’ original skills have become obsolete.

Furthermore, plant protection drones are highly specialised, difficult to operate, carry potential hazards, and function in complex, ever-changing environments. These high barriers to entry make it impossible for ordinary, untrained farmers to operate drones, leaving them with no choice but to purchase spraying services.

In the past, farmers would exchange labour and occasionally seek plant protection help from agricultural retailers, forming close-knit relationships based on mutual acquaintance. Now, everyone relies on drone spraying; a single phone call brings the operator, who leaves as soon as the job is done and the bill is paid.

In Jixian, there are still more than 21,000 smallholders engaged in agricultural production. How to resolve the dilemma of technical application for these farmers, how to achieve better alignment between smallholders and technical services through cooperation and organisation, and how to ensure smallholders truly master agricultural knowledge and technology should all be critical points for policy consideration.

Foodthink Author
Dai Cheng
Lecturer in the Department of Sociology at Yunnan Minzu University, currently focusing on the relationship between technical application and society.

 

 

 

 

Editor: Ze En