Is Food Delivery a “Life-Shortening” Job?

From the media dispute between JD.com and Meituan over delivery riders’ social insurance in April, to the new regulations mandating compulsory contributions from 1 September, the working conditions of these riders have increasingly drawn public attention. Yet for many of them, social insurance remains a distant concept, overshadowed by the pressing demands of daily survival.

Riders push their physical health to the limit, navigating the ‘last mile’ of the food supply chain without pause. Few realise that those rushing to deliver meals to customers are often the very people within this system who struggle most to put a healthy meal on the table.

‘Riders often eat just twice a day, and many suffer from stomach ailments.’ *Transitional Labour*author Sun Ping shared this observation on the *Random Amplitude* podcast, and it left me deeply unsettled. Not from surprise, but from empathy. As a nutritionist, this contradiction highlighted for me that the issue extends far beyond the food and nutrition on our own dinner tables; it encompasses whether those delivering the meals can themselves eat properly.

I. Regular Meals Sacrificed to Work

At first glance, riders’ stomach problems might be dismissed as a simple lack of health literacy or ignorance of how to care for one’s digestion. Yet when an entire cohort develops such a “work-related condition”, the reality is far more complex.

The nature of delivery work inherently disrupts regular routines. Riders’ meal times and dietary quality are typically dictated by order volume, shift length, or even the accessibility of food pickup locations, rather than any personal commitment to “healthy eating”. The truth is that their relentless pace leaves little to no time for preparing balanced, nutritious meals. The health challenges riders face are not born out of a desire to eat poorly, but stem directly from working conditions that strip them of the ability to make healthier choices.

Therefore, offering a nutritional prescription of “three regular meals a day” to address their stomach ailments is both patronising and futile, as it fundamentally clashes with the “pay-per-order” reality that dictates their livelihood. While standard expert advice found on social media—“cut down on carbonated drinks,” “eat more vegetables and fruit,” “get more exercise”—may seem straightforward, such guidance frequently grinds to a halt against real-world structural barriers, rendering it largely unattainable.

◉ A delivery rider on the run, bringing meals to workers who can’t stop. Source: Zhou Pinglang
While the field research conducted by Sun Ping’s team did not specifically assess the riders’ health, the book’s accounts of how they cope with hunger reveal a “paradoxically invisible” health risk:

Xiaomin: A female rider navigating the pain of divorce. “She works ten hours a day. To maximise her deliveries, she rarely eats lunch, opting instead for biscuits and toasted bun slices bought on Pinduoduo.”

Wu Zhifeng: To navigate the strict “exit-only” pandemic restrictions, he opted to sleep on the streets while working, preparing two meals a day with a portable gas stove and a small pot. “He boils noodles and vermicelli, sometimes tossing them with chilli sauce to eat.”

Brother Hong: “He opens his breakfast bag to reveal two steaming *roujiamo* (stuffed flatbreads) with a golden, crispy crust. He gnaws on one while downing a Pepsi.”

These meals are almost exclusively high-carbohydrate, high-calorie “quick-fix” options, a stark microcosm of the typical diet for those engaged in physically demanding work. Such dietary habits not only fail to deliver balanced nutrition but also stray miles from the “diverse and well-balanced diet” promoted by nutritional guidelines.

For some riders, “having a meal” holds virtually no importance in their daily lives. In a post on the WeChat Official Account “Riders Have a Say”, a delivery team leader noted that weight gain is extremely common among riders once they start the job, whereas unexpected weight loss might actually signal conditions such as hyperthyroidism. Another independent gig rider, Xiao Bai, who took part in a dietary survey, bluntly admitted that he gives no thought to “meal balancing”:

“There’s no room for consideration, no time for a refined lifestyle or careful planning. If orders surge, you just keep riding. You don’t think about eating; you just want to make money. Most riders only stop when the queue runs dry; they don’t go offline voluntarily. As long as the orders keep rolling in, you stay pumped and the hunger just fades into the background.”

Eating healthily should not be a privilege, but for riders who “keep pushing out deliveries as long as they’re breathing”, managing on just two meals a day has virtually become a prerequisite for a “successful” rider. The relentless pressure to make a living gradually erodes their autonomy over food and health, day in, day out on the streets.

◉Food delivery stations hold morning briefings by the roadside. The platform relies on these local delivery stations for staff management, order coordination, and other operational tasks. Source: Tianle
Riders are not only affected physically; their mental health is equally cause for concern. A South Korean survey into the link between gig work and depression has uncovered a worrying reality: under the strain of work, gig workers who eat fewer than three meals a day are more than three times as likely to develop depression as others! This profound sense of physical and mental depletion is vividly illustrated in the lives of the female riders portrayed in the book *Transition Labour*. Fang Li, a female rider from a small town juggling the dual pressures of single-handed parenting and making a living, found that sharing a meal with her child had become a luxury:

“Sometimes—say, when the kids are having dinner or coming home from school—it just happens to be peak delivery time. You simply don’t have the time to be with them; at best, you can order takeaways for them.”

The tension between the roles of “rider” and “mother” keeps Fang Li awake at night, offering a stark illustration of how gender and labour intersect to shape individual and family well-being. As the boundaries between work and home life grow ever more blurred, and constant unpredictability becomes the norm, the pressure to make ends meet turns “eating healthily” into an exhausting trade-off. Health, which ought to be the most fundamental baseline, instead becomes the first thing sacrificed.

II. Does gig work shorten life? What medical research says

In *Transition Labour*, Sun Ping points to the low retention rates in delivery work, describing it as a form of “labour that cuts life short”. What intrigues me more, however, is whether, from a nutritional and health perspective, delivering food truly does shorten riders’ lifespans.

Medical research indicates that within the gig economy, the nature of the work itself has become a significant health determinant—“A person’s employment status is a stronger predictor of their risk of dying from coronary heart disease than any traditional risk factor.”

An article published in the *Journal of the American College of Cardiology* notes:

“The working environment of the gig economy should be regarded as a new social determinant of health, and potentially even a modifiable risk factor for cardiovascular disease. Researchers, policymakers and employers need to systematically assess the health of gig workers and develop targeted health interventions.”

Taking ride-hailing drivers as a starting point, the paper draws on two sets of data to highlight the health risks faced by those in “transition labour” that cannot be ignored:

(1) Research from the 1950s found that occupations involving low physical activity (such as bus drivers) had roughly twice the coronary heart disease mortality rate compared to highly active roles (such as manual labourers).

(2) A survey of 130 taxi drivers in San Francisco, US, revealed that 35% had four or more cardiovascular risk factors (including physical inactivity, smoking, unhealthy diets and chronic stress). Of these, 36% were smokers and 33% did not exercise regularly.

Furthermore, the gig workforce confronts structural issues concerning health insurance, minimum wage protections, and trade union representation. This precarious, flexible pool of casual labourers is predominantly drawn from traditionally marginalised groups, such as migrant workers and new immigrants. Driven by survival pressures like unemployment and debt, they are rapidly mobilised by the platform economy’s myth of quick wealth.

◉A Cycloon food delivery rider making a delivery in Amsterdam. Source: FaceMePLS from The Hague, The Netherlands/Wikimedia Commons
A long-term UK study initiated in 1970 has found that unemployment among those aged 30 to 42 significantly increases the risk of developing diabetes and hypertension. Each episode of unemployment raises the risk of diabetes by 39% and hypertension by 28%. Compounding debt further amplifies these health risks, making the situation even more dire.

However, systematic research into the health of gig workers remains limited. The precise health challenges faced by China’s 200 million gig workers represent a pressing void that the public health framework must urgently fill. Future health policies and labour regulations must directly confront this group’s health predicaments and enact systematic safeguards to prevent the health inequality gap from widening further.

III.Digital Resilience” and “Health Resilience”

The breakneck pace of work and income instability are not merely the lived reality of delivery riders; they form a microcosm of “transitional labour” in modern society. Many of us may well be engaged in work not unlike food delivery—labour that is “instrumental rather than value-driven”.

Across these roles, irregular meal times have become a shared plight for millions of workers. The riders’ plight prompts a sobering question: why have advances in food security and economic development not made it any easier simply to eat a proper meal?

Behind the seamless convenience of the digital economy often lies a steep toll on workers’ health. I am particularly struck by the bottom-up approach taken in *Transitional Labour*. The myriad strategies digital workers deploy to navigate algorithmic oversight are especially compelling; Sun Ping terms this “digital resilience”. This leads me to wonder: beyond “digital resilience”, ought we to place greater emphasis on workers’ “health resilience”?

◉ A Deliveroo rider in Manchester city centre. Source: www.shopblocks.com.jpg/Wikimedia Commons
Riders who know all too well that “when hands and feet stop, so does the next meal” – under such gruelling physical labour, can they truly keep enduring for long? How can they ward off the health toll of nutritional imbalances, chronic fatigue, excessive hours, and the mental strain of being trapped by algorithms? Does the flexibility of the digital economy merely mean more efficient labour deployment, with no one actually looking out for workers’ health? Ultimately, riders’ well-being must not become the sacrificial lamb of the platform economy. “Short-life labour” is simply unsustainable.

From a nutritionist’s perspective, I genuinely hope that every rider can eat properly and enjoy health equity (health equity) on par with any other profession. Moving forward, alongside discussions on labour protections and fair remuneration for riders, might we also bring “health resilience” into the conversation? This is a question that all those who care about workers’ conditions ought to reflect upon.

References

A Wan. “Fengsheng | Why did the story of Liu Xiaoyang, a northwestern farmwoman, strike such a contemporary nerve?”. Accessed 23 February 2025. https://mp.weixin.qq.com/s/a4wl4c7NuRpNQaJ1npeyEg.

Pan Zhou Yi He Yuan. “Street Flavours: The Health Challenges Facing Delivery Riders”. Accessed 22 February 2025. https://www.wyzxwk.com/Article/gongnong/2024/01/485889.html.

Random Fluctuations. “Feeding Algorithms with Flesh and Blood: Delivery Riders and You Are All ‘Human Batteries’”. Accessed 23 February 2025. https://www.stovol.club/143.

Sun Ping. Precarious Labour, 2024. https://book.douban.com/subject/36985251/.

Kim, Min-Seok, Juyeon Oh, Juho Sim, Byung-Yoon Yun and Jin-Ha Yoon. “Association between Exposure to Violence, Job Stress and Depressive Symptoms among Gig Economy Workers in Korea”. Annals of Occupational and Environmental Medicine 35 (2023): e43. https://doi.org/10.35371/aoem.2023.35.e43.

Mulhollem, Jeff. “‘Triple burden’ of invisible labour a major stressor for farm women, study finds | Penn State University”, 2024. https://www.psu.edu/news/research/story/triple-burden-invisible-labor-major-stressor-farm-women-study-finds.

Rodriguez, Fatima, Ashish Sarraju and Mintu P. Turakhia. “The Gig Economy Worker: A New Social Determinant of Health?”. JAMA Cardiology 7, no. 2 (1 February 2022): 125–26. https://doi.org/10.1001/jamacardio.2021.5435.

Rose, G., and M. G. Marmot. “Social Class and Coronary Heart Disease”. British Heart Journal 45, no. 1 (January 1981): 13–19. https://doi.org/10.1136/hrt.45.1.13.

Waynforth, David. “Unstable employment and health in middle age in the longitudinal 1970 British Birth Cohort Study”. Evolution, Medicine, and Public Health 2018, no. 1 (27 March 2018): 92–99. https://doi.org/10.1093/emph/eoy009.

Foodthink Author

Zheng Luyue

US-registered dietitian and doctoral candidate in Nutritional Science at the University of New Hampshire. In recent years, working under a sociology supervisor, she has been exploring the livelihood challenges of smallholder farmers in New England. She dislikes eating alone and updates two podcasts on a flexible schedule (@Baju Buli Shi, @Yue Shi Tan)

 

 

 

Editor: Wang Hao