Through the Lens: Change and Choice in Herders’ Lives
Late September in the Greater Khingan Range carries a faint chill. Perhaps owing to warming temperatures, the birch woods around Jagdaqi have yet to turn gold. As recently as a few decades ago, this forest served as hunting ground for the Oroqen people.
A gathering of filmmakers has convened in the woods; this year’s World Nomadic Film Festival is taking place in Jagdaqi, deep within the Khingan Range. Co-founded in 2021 by documentary directors Gu Tao and Gu Xue, the festival evolved from the Inner Mongolia Youth Film Week.
Traditionally, certain communities have grazed livestock and managed land and water through seasonal migration. This way of life differs markedly from settled agrarian societies and has fostered a distinct cultural mindset. Having directed numerous documentaries focused on traditional nomadic communities, Gu Tao has broadened the concept of ‘nomadism’ for the festival. Through film, it highlights the freedom, mobility, and unvarnished authenticity of lives lived across both contemporary and traditional contexts. The World Nomadic Film Festival draws more creators and works centred on nomadic themes than other festivals, offering a concentrated window into how filmmakers depict the transformation of pastoral regions on screen.
How to tell the stories of the grasslands and the people who call them home has long been a subject of interest to me. Funded by Foodthink’s 2024 Lianhe Creative Programme, the documentary *Whose Table, Whose Pasture* by directors Jiao Xiaofang and Qiongwu Danzeng was also selected for this year’s festival. This is why I travelled alongside director Jiao Xiaofang to attend the event.

Swept along by the tide of urbanisation, traditional life in pastoral regions is undergoing profound transformation. These lived experiences, often left unspoken in mainstream narratives, call for more filmmakers—whether through personal experience or genuine interest in pastoral life—to step forward, weaving their observations and understanding into their work so that stories can grow naturally from within.Only when more creators use the camera not just to tell, but more importantly, to interrogate, will these marginalised nomadic experiences be seen and understood in a more vivid and profound light.
1. Camels on Mongolian Pastures

Yet, compared with the traditional nomadic way of life of ‘following the water and the grass’, contemporary herding practices have changed considerably. Aolunna has observed that, following decades of the dual grassland and livestock contract system, local herders now divide their allocated pastures into separate enclosures using fences, according to their needs. The camel’s role in herders’ lives is shifting too: its function as a beast of burden, alongside the horse, is increasingly being supplanted by cars and motorcycles. Some families now drive household goods to their next seasonal pasture in advance, before driving the camels, cattle, and sheep over on foot.
As she grew up and pursued her education, Aolunna found herself drifting further from pastoral life. She is currently pursuing a master’s degree in Ethnic Minority Arts at Minzu University of China. In recent years, she has been documenting and filming the pastoral regions of her homeland, a process that has allowed her to reconnect with her roots. Through her lens, she has come to feel the weight of her responsibility as a young Mongolian to record and safeguard local traditional culture.
For her project, Aolunna chose to focus on the local Camel Cultural Festival. The Mongolian community in Haixi Prefecture began hosting the event seven or eight years ago. Unlike horses, which are laden with cultural significance and symbolise the Mongolian spirit, camels are viewed more as utilitarian livestock. They are primarily used for hauling heavy loads over long distances, and for producing staple pastoral goods such as camel hair and milk.
At the festival, the camel’s role in everyday pastoral life is brought to the fore. Customs and skills associated with these animals are distilled into a series of competitions: camel racing, which mirrors horse racing, sees riders compete to see who can cover the course fastest; a camel beauty contest, where animals are judged on coat colour, fleece quality, and overall bearing to crown the most striking; and a handicrafts competition, where participants craft nose rings, reins and other items within a set time limit, with prizes awarded based on the finished product’s quality and craftsmanship.
The most heart-stopping event is camel taming. Despite their docile appearance, camels can become uncontrollably wild, and even a crowd of people struggling to hold them back would be futile. Young camels must undergo this process before they can be integrated into daily pastoral work. For the competition, the organisers select young, untamed camels (mostly males) and have riders mount them bareback, without saddles. The challenge is to see which rider can stay on the camel’s back the longest. Watching the footage, I was left marvelling at the riders’ tenacity as they were hurled from the animals’ backs, again and again. In recent years, the festival has also introduced a women’s camel racing event.
Even the traditional practice of using camels to transport household goods has been adapted into a competitive event: participants load furniture onto a camel, which must carry the load along a designated course and back before the goods are unloaded, with winners determined by the fastest completion time.
Today, in Aolunna’s hometown, most pastoral families still uphold the tradition of raising the five livestock, though each household adjusts the proportions according to its own circumstances. Animals are utilised seasonally, depending on their particular traits. To Aolunna, the relationship between pastoralists and their livestock resembles a “contract”: people provide care to ensure the animals thrive, in exchange for the necessities they provide. As she sees it, life in the pastoral region is defined by this interdependence: “the mutual interaction between humans and animals is a necessary way of survival on the grasslands.”
The bond between nomadic peoples and their livestock is woven from taming, reciprocity, and mutual care. Yet, as this relationship is drawn into the modern market economy, it is beginning to fray.
II. The Imported Meat Controversy and Herders Drawn into the Market

Through the lens, we see how those occupying different roles within a sprawling meat supply chain respond to this disruption. It comes as a shock that frozen beef and mutton shipped from the far side of the world can sell for less than what local herders offer. Inside the film, viewers hear various attempts to make sense of the situation. Some argue that the ‘grain-fed’ label on imported meat signals superior quality. Others point to the lack of regulation in local processing, contrasting it with the transparent grading standards of overseas suppliers and praising their ‘proper production lines’. These competing narratives collide, laying bare the friction and dissonance beneath a rapidly shifting reality.
The influx has triggered a cascade of ripple effects. As buyers gravitate towards cheaper imported options, the market price for domestic beef and mutton continues to slide. Herding, once a self-sufficient traditional livelihood, is now swept into an increasingly intricate meat supply chain. Herders have shifted from being autonomous producers to passive participants in an industrial system. This dilemma is voiced by a livestock buyer named Mana in the documentary: ‘If we sell, the price doesn’t cover costs; if we don’t sell, the pasture won’t sustain them.’
Beneath this phenomenon lies a tangle of complex realities. The modernisation of pastoral life in recent years has steadily increased herders’ reliance on cash for everyday expenses, making them more dependent on selling their own livestock. As import prices suppress the local market, domestic beef and mutton lose value. To maintain a viable income, herders are forced to keep larger herds and flocks, placing immense strain on grazing lands. Many resort to renting other people’s pastures or purchasing commercial fodder to stay afloat, only to sink deeper into mounting debt.
The documentary also sheds light on a striking paradox as Tibetan herders become entangled in the wider meat trade. Traditionally, herders would graze their own stock, slaughter what they needed for household consumption, and sell the surplus for cash. Yet Tibetan Buddhist teachings emphasise a strict prohibition against taking life. Over time, this fostered a distinct division of labour in the market: the roles of slaughterer and butcher fell predominantly to Hui Muslims. The result is a rather surreal dynamic in the pastoral regions: herders, unwilling to slaughter their own animals, sell them to Hui buyers, exchange the livestock for cash, and then head to the market to purchase meat—sometimes even buying the very imported cuts that undercut them.
This shift has also drawn traditional grazing practices closer to industrialised meat production, birthing a dedicated fattening sector. Fattening merchants purchase livestock from herders and confine them in intensive feeding operations, where they are fed grain-heavy diets over a short period to rapidly increase their weight before being sent to market for profit.
Under this trend, it becomes increasingly difficult for consumers to distinguish whether locally sourced meat comes from traditionally grazed animals or has passed through industrial fattening operations. This shift in rearing practices has a direct impact on the quality of domestic beef and mutton, as well as consumers’ willingness to buy local.
Beneath all these layered complexities, it is the fleeting moments in the documentary that truly resonate. We see a young herder deftly swing a lasso to rope in a yak. As the livestock buyer prepares to load the animals, the herder points out a pair of ewes, noting they are twins, his voice heavy with reluctance. After the sale is complete, he remarks, ‘If we could afford it, we’d never part with them. We can’t bear to see them go; in the end, they’ve been like good friends to us for years.’ Years of shared grazing and daily routines forge a profound bond between herder and animal. To the herder, each beast is an individual with its own distinct character; to the buyer, and within the cold machinery of the meat supply chain, they are nothing more than cuts waiting on a butcher’s block.
These details offer a glimpse into the traditional pastoral way of life, which remains, for now, unassimilated by modern commercial logic. A young Tibetan herder can find himself torn between economic necessity and genuine affection for his animals. It is not uncommon for herders to visit a monastery after a sale, lighting butter lamps and sponsoring monastic prayers on behalf of the livestock they were forced to sell.
Long before being swept into the modern meat supply chain, herders certainly traded livestock for income to sustain their livelihoods. Yet that exchange was never purely transactional. Modern market logic, by contrast, reduces everything to mere commodity value. Under its relentless pressure, the relationship between herder and animal is steadily eroding. The unadorned, deeply rooted affection that herders feel for their own stock—so vividly captured on screen—is becoming increasingly impractical, and all too rare.
III. The Nostalgia of Nomadic Descendants

The short film *There is a Sea on the Grassland* presents a vignette of a Mongolian boy, now settled in the city, returning to his pastoral home for a few days. Through a child’s perspective, the film captures everything that is both familiar and foreign in the herding region: textbooks in Mongolian script that he cannot read, a few companions playing across a vast, snow-dusted steppe, and adults at the dinner table discussing falling livestock prices. At the end, the boy, who is about to return to Shanghai, dyes the family’s flock blue so they look like an ocean, keeping company with his friends who stay behind in the pastures.
The family depicted in the film stands as a microcosm of several generations of Mongolians transitioning from pastoral lands to the city. The story draws from director Tong Cheng’s own upbringing; he spent his childhood schooling in the city, returning to his family’s pastoral home during winter and summer holidays. His ancestral home is the 57th Military Horse Farm in Holingol, a semi-agricultural, semi-pastoral region where Mongolian and Han Chinese communities live side by side. There, herders were drawn into modernisation at an earlier stage. From the 1990s onwards, many young people from pastoral areas began migrating to towns for work, finding employment in Holingol’s coal plants.
Growing up, Tong Cheng frequently moved between the city and the pastures, which made him particularly attuned to the lived experiences of those caught between these two starkly different worlds. He deliberately distilled this transformation into the language patterns of three Mongolian generations: the grandparents, rooted in pastoral life, speak Mongolian; they cannot converse in Mandarin but comprehend it. The parents fluidly switch between Mongolian and Chinese. By the grandchildren’s generation, they understand Mongolian but no longer speak it. This creates a peculiar yet entirely coherent scene in the film: communication unfolds across two completely separate languages, with the grandchild speaking Mandarin to his grandparents, who reply in Mongolian.
The boy’s braid in the film functions as another vital symbol. Mongolian boys traditionally wear a single plait at the back of the head, which is cut off upon turning thirteen. Tong Cheng deliberately included this detail: to him, it represents the boy’s last remaining marker of Mongolian heritage as part of a new generation. Yet, when the braid is cut at thirteen, that final thread linking him to his “Mongolian” identity is also severed.
An a cappella song at the story’s close (drawn from the widely sung Mongolian classic *The Grasslands of My Father, The Rivers of My Mother*) echoes the sense of loss felt by the new generation of Mongolians: “Though I can no longer speak in my mother tongue, please accept my sorrow and my joy. I, too, am a child of the plateau. Deep within my heart lies a song, a song that holds the grasslands of my father and the rivers of my mother…”
In his narrative, pastoral life recedes from a direct, embodied experience into something more atmospheric and steeped in nostalgia. Compared with herding communities in Tibet, Inner Mongolia’s herders were drawn into urbanisation earlier. How do those caught between the two lifestyles of city and pasture come to terms with, adapt to, or reshape their external environment? Do they remain in the pastures or move into towns? These dilemmas confront contemporary herders in their daily lives, and will remain a recurring focus in Tong Cheng’s future filmmaking.
Tong Cheng told me that whether in the city or the pastures, people adjust to their immediate surroundings to better adapt to their present circumstances. The movement of herders from the steppe to the city is, in his view, another form of adaptation: “People change themselves through their environment,” he said, adding that some “will nomadise into a soil and culture that better suits them.”
However, I remain somewhat sceptical of framing the migration from pasture to city as another kind of “nomadism”. Is it truly nomadism, or merely yet another unoriginal echo of rural urbanisation caught in a massive tide of development? Or perhaps a commercial appropriation of “nomadic” culture in contemporary marketing? In what sense can the genuine “nomadic spirit” transcend the context of traditional pastoral life and accompany people’s embodied experiences into a more contemporary existence?

Through these films, we glimpse the transformations and dilemmas confronting traditional pastoral communities today. Within these frames, the sweeping arc of social change gives way to fragile, easily overlooked emotions that are magnified and laid bare. It is precisely these feelings that form the deep fabric of traditional nomadic culture.
Beyond these three films, the nomadic film festival showcases several other shorts set against the backdrop of nomadic life. In *Ama*, director Suolang Quzhen turns the camera on her own mother, capturing the bodily experiences of a traditional woman from the pastoral regions. *Hanggai* follows a herder displaced by external forces, wandering the fringes of a traditional grazing area. *The Silent Xianda Han* draws on the oral accounts of elderly Oroqen elders to recreate the internal rhythm of the Oroqen people’s former forest-hunting existence. Together, these images act as a prism, refracting the multifaceted perspectives of life in the pastoral lands.
There remains vast narrative room to explore nomadic culture and the pastoral regions of various lands, tracing the emotions that underpin these lived realities. Within the storytelling space of film, the complexities and uncertainties of reality are gently embraced and softly held aloft. Perhaps this is the true purpose of the medium.

Edited by: Xiao Dan
